In this guest-post, Muhammad Makki, a doctoral candidate at the University of Queensland, presents his reflections on a field visit to the remote Tharparkar coal region of Pakistan and the challenges of communal harmony and a diversified approach to addressing Pakistan’s energy crisis. The field visit was supported by the International Mining for Development Centre (an Ausaid initiative)

The current acute energy crisis in Pakistan, certainly the worst of all times is heating up an indigenous extractive resource scramble in a remote part of Pakistan with unusual demographics. The Tharparker District or simply the Thar Desert located in the southeastern province of Sindh is under spot light because of a 175 billion tons of estimated coal reserves lying beneath its surface. These reserves have been known for around two decades, but only recently has development gained momentum to generate power in order to propel the country’s ailing economy. The signs of a resource boom are already animating the dull landscape of the region – roads, airports, site offices, power lines, guest houses and rising real estate price are evident. Near the town of Islamkot, an underground coal gassification pilot project represents the scale of possible change where workers sourced from local communities rest their heads after long-hour shifts.

The Rann of Kutch — salt marshes — a view from Tharpar district across towards the Indian border. Photograph by Muhammad Makki

Understanding the quandary faced by the residents of the Thar Desert took me to several villages situated in the vicinity of the coal fields to gather some basic ethnographic data on community perceptions of the project. Tharparker is home to around 1.5 million people stretching its boundaries with Indian Rajasthan and the Great Ran of Kutch salt marsh. The indigenous communities of Menghwar, Kolhi and Bheel make up a large part of the rural human settlement. The land is famous for rippling sand dunes, distinct folklore, rain-starved shrubs,  drying wells, bottomed indicators of health, poverty and education and the most food insecure district in the country. One of the villages Mauakharaj of Tharparker, just beside an airport being built to host coal companies, has abject poverty and deprivation. The whole village is culturally and socially crippled because of fluorosis; a disease caused by consumption of excessive fluoride in groundwater, with no remedy and still people compelled to use it.

Yet the Thari people endure, draped in their dark red textiles ambling across the monotonous desert, with visible hope in their weary eyes that coal development might lift them out of destitution. Certainly, the development of coal reserves will contribute significantly to the economy but will be accompanied by severe environmental and social impacts that need to be adequately addressed. In all my interviews, the people of Thar indicated an indelible attachment to their land even if they were semi-nomadic in their livelihoods. Resettlement of these fragile communities for the development of coal reserves needs to be considered with great care.

In a country where Islamic supremacist ideologies are rife and religious violence is commonplace, Tharparkar is the only district in the country where Hindus make up 70% of the rural population and live in relative peace with their Muslim neighbours.  Development of extractive resources without care for community sensitivities has already led to a violent insurgency in Balochistan province. Although, the residents of Tharparkar do not have the resources nor the proclivity to engage in violent resistance it is incumbent upon development interests to protect the community’s social order. The development of a participatory well-planned resettlement and compensation plan with intensive consultation to mitigate the potential impacts on land connected communities must be a priority for the government.

The Chounra (Cone shaped hut). A village in Tharparker. Photograph by Muhammad Makki

Upon completing my research (which will be published later this year), I presented my findings at a seminar hosted by LEAD-Pakistan (Leadership in Environment and Development) in Islamabad. Energy and environmental experts who attended the seminar lamented on the state of the country’s energy crisis and the inability of the country’s ruling elite to find national solutions. Diesel generators and Uninterruptible Power Supply (UPS) batteries provide an illusion of comfort to those who can afford them, oblivious of the inefficiency of their electricity source. A diversification strategy was the mantra offered by the experts: hydropower, gas pipelines, solar, wind and then perhaps coal too. The governance of the energy sector remains elusive in Pakistan and several participants in the roundtable discussion noted that ill-advised “expertise” was being allowed to pass muster with the media because of resource nationalism. Rather than considering conservation of energy or efficient sources, the bravado of showing energy independence was driving the narrative. Though technical challenges would need to be overcome to link grids, there is greater efficiency and promise for Pakistan to consider ways of trading energy with some of its neighbours. The gas pipelines with Iran or with Turkmenistan appear farfetched to some but offer a more versatile source of fuel for both grid power and vehicular transport (Pakistan has one of the highest compressed natural gas usage infrastructure in the world for cars).

Dr. Rajendara Pachauri, the chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change joined the discussion via video-link from New Delhi and added a regional perspective to the conversation. He noted the potential for Indo-Pak cooperation on energy and his visit to Pakistan last year when the Chief Minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif, had expressed keen interest in a joint Indo-Pak solar project as well. Although not adequate in supplying industrial-scale power, such projects could provide the poorest areas of the Punjab on both sides of the border with rural power.

The conversation did not lead to consensus on what approach should be dominant but there was agreement that Thar coal development should not be a first resort but much further down the priority scale for addressing Pakistan’s energy crisis. As Pakistan’s election approaches, energy is a ballot issue and polemics are rife on panacea solutions. It is high time that Pakistanis consider their energy predicament with a multifaceted strategy that transcends petty nationalism so that communal harmony is not compromised for short-term and inefficient power solutions.

The energy landscape of Khayelitsha. Photograph by Saleem H. Ali

The solar water huts of the Kuyasa CDM Project. Photograph by Saleem H. Ali

A key challenge for such efforts is the potential for scaling up the initiative and a visit to the Kuyasa district in this region provided us with further confidence that South Africa is making progress in that regard. Through a partnership between an NGO called SouthSouthNorth, the local electricity utility Eskom and the government, a large scale delivery project of solar water heaters and retrofitting of homes has given rise to one of the largest Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects in Africa.  Covering over 2300 homes, the project provides a means of improving quality of life at multiple levels. Reducing load on the grid through energy conservation is attractive to Eskom which offers to provide a rebate for the installation of copper piping and mixed flow taps connected from the solar water heaters. The solar heating installation in the home augments its value for RDP housing which can eventually be sold at a premium after the minimum residency requirement has elapsed, thus creating equity in the asset base for low-income households. Furthermore, the solar water geysers are now also being manufactured in South Africa and have created an employment and business opportunity where none existed before.

Yet, the Kuyasa project also provides some cautionary tales regarding transferability. The success of the heaters and the home insulation effort largely depends on the reliability of the product and initially the installation of poorer quality heaters or improper plumbing created concerns in the community about the project’s efficacy. Careful follow-up of each installation was thus essential to ensure the infrastructure delivery was well-received by the community. An effort to replicate the project at a much faster pace in Port Elizabeth proved to be more contentious because such safeguards were not ensured in the rush to show greater impact.

The view from Mama Lungi’s little garden. Photograph by Saleem H. Ali

Alleviating energy poverty in such impoverished areas necessitates that we acknowledge the challenges at hand but not be daunted by them into cynicism. Smart technology businesses, targeted philanthropy and government facilitation are generating both monetary and social capital that merits optimism for development.

Special thanks to our host for the field visit  to this site  Pierre Coetzer, the cofounder of an organization called Reciprocity that helps to start such business for development ventures in low-income areas; Elspeth Donovan, Development Director – South Africa, CPSL University of Cambridge for coordinating the field programme; and Jonathan Samuel, Head of Social Performance at Anglo American PLC for his support of such efforts.

We explore transboundary conservation efforts through geographic, socio-political and ecological lenses. We hear from a diverse range of stakeholders, each of whom play a critical role conserving this biodiversity hotspot despite conflict and instability; while dealing with challenges from poaching, lack of sustainable livelihoods and the activities of armed groups.

Based on the research and network of colleagues and stakeholders of Elaine Hsiao, a Fulbright Fellow, who was researching transboundary collaboration in Uganda at the time. This documentary shares an often untold story in a region filled with countless challenges. We learn how informal cross-border collaboration between individuals and Park Rangers lead to the creation of an organization (Central Albertine Rift Transfrontier Protected Area Network) and then an institution (The Core Secretariat) and finally evolved into the ongoing efforts to raise this collaboration to the highest level through the signing of a formal treaty by the Heads of State of all 3 countries. We now turn our gaze to the future and encounter the questions of “what will happen to the parks and conservation in the region now that oil has been discovered?”

International Peace Park Expeditions, the Institute for Environmental Diplomacy and Security at the University of Vermont, and The Collaborative premiered this episode at The Environmental Film Festival in the Nationals Capital in March of 2013.

Aerial view of housing compounds. Landing in Agok reveals traditional family compounds. Photo by Tore Knos.

Republic South Sudan: A New Country Facing Big Challenges

The Republic of South Sudan – South Sudan for short, is a new country that marked its independence from Sudan in July 2011 following a protracted series of civil wars starting in 1955.  The first war ended in 1972 only to see a second civil war begin in 1983. Fighting ended with when both sides signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005.  Southern Sudan was granted autonomy within Sudan, but a referendum held in January 2011 moved the region toward secession and ultimately independence by July of the same year.

South Sudan is not a desert wasteland.  The Nile’s famous waters flow through South Sudan’s large clay basin which also serves a catchment area for water coming from highland regions of the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, and Uganda. Unlike its arid northern neighbor, South Sudan is also home to one of the world’s largest swamps, the Sudd wetland.

While oil is the country’s main natural resource and accounts for 98% of South Sudan’s revenue (CIA World Factbook), most inhabitants rely on cattle for their livelihood and use charcoal as their main fuel source, which contributes to deforestation.  Oil reserves, located around a contested border between Sudan and South Sudan, have yet to translate into wealth for the citizens of South Sudan.  Instead, many remain desperately poor and lack basic amenities such as potable water and adequate sanitation.

With its vast potential revenue, oil is one of the main points of contention between Sudan and South Sudan, and has contributed to tensions between the two countries. Of note is the fact that most of the region’s oil is located in South Sudan, or along contested border areas, while pipelines and downstream operations such as refineries are in Sudan.  According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration in March 2012, “75% of oil production originates from the South.”

Delivering Tents to Refugees in Abyei

Following independence in July 2011, border conflict – especially in the disputed Abyei area – was still prevalent and much needed humanitarian relief came from international sources.  Accompanied by Larry Agee, another Disaster Aid USA response volunteer, Tore Knos travelled together to South Sudan where their task was to facilitate the safe arrival of Disaster Aid’s cargo and make sure all required government approvals were obtained.  The shipment arrived in Juba, the capital, and was transported by truck to the northern town of Agok for final distribution in several Abyei villages.

Disaster Aid USA is a nongovernmental organization (NGO) established by Rotarians to provide disaster aid and relief world-wide.  Since the border area is rural, it should come as no surprise that we too were housed in a tent at the Mercy Corps camp in Agok.  Mercy Corps, Médecins Sans Frontières and the Irish NGO  GOAL were instrumental in providing healthcare assistance to the area.

While in Juba and travelling northwards, a noticeable environmental issue was that of non-degradable plastics, especially disposable water bottles. Since water is of questionable quality, many people drink bottled water.  During the dry season when someone disposes of a water bottle, it often remains on the ground among layers of other crushed bottles until the rainy season washes it into the Nile. Ultimately, we’re talking about what might be millions of crushed water bottles.

Refugee Tents. Family in front of a Disaster Aid USA tent. Photo courtesy of Disaster Aid USA.

We did most of our work in Agok, but also travelled north well into the Abeyei region where we were under United Nations escort by Ethiopian troops.  We went into six villages and, in each one, we met with local officials/elders – usually about 5-10 people – to make sure we had their approval to enter the village, distribute, and set up tents.  These village elders had been driven out of the area by the Sudanese Army (SA) and were returning to assess damages and start the rebuilding process.  What we saw were traditional round buildings, 15-30 feet in diameter; most had been totally destroyed, and the remaining ones were partially destroyed.  We saw health centers and schools which were largely picked apart by looters, presumably Sudanese troops from the north.  Whatever could be recycled such as wiring, plumbing materials, and copper was removed.  In one instance, a new Siemens generator was burned and copper wiring removed probably for scrap recycling.  Wiring from telephone poles was also stripped.  Anything reusable or recyclable was removed.  All of the desks in one school, for example, had been piled outside and burned.

There were no “refugee camps” as one would typically classify them.  What we saw were residents living traditionally in these round structures on 0.5-1 acre compounds.  Many of the residents in Agok would take in relatives coming from the northern Abeyei region and build make-shift shelter for them within the compound.  To build the shelters, they would use grass and other items that were discarded from refugee operations.  Among these items were plastic wrappings and large plastic tarps for covering food bags used by the United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR).   Hopefully the tents that we provided – complete with privacy dividers, would encourage the refugees to leave their temporary shelters, move back to their own villages and reconstruct their own homes as soon as possible.

In January 2012, South Sudan ceased its oil operations in retaliation for excessive transit fees imposed by Sudan.  However, by January, the Disaster Aid USA shipment of tents was well underway, winding ultimately from the port in Mombasa, Kenya to South Sudan by truck.  Only months later did we come to learn how close both countries actually came to all-out war in April 2012.  Our goal in February 2012 was to coordinate the delivery and distribution of a container load of tents and supplies to the border area.  This was achieved and the tents arrived at their destination as planned.

March 2013 Agreement: A Permanent Step Forward?

While no new war took place, clashes between Sudanese and Southern Sudanese forces continued to be a threat until March 12, 2013 when both sides reached an agreement to quell the oil-related hostilities and stand down troops along the border.   The timeframe given to resume production is about three weeks.

If this agreement remains in force over the oil issue, both sides will have the opportunity to resolve border demarcation issues. Another unresolved conflict in Abyei focuses on cattle grazing and involves the South Sudanese pastoral Dinka people and the nomadic Misseriya people from the north.

A UN vehicle accompanied us during our village visits in Abyei. Photo by Tore Knos

While the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) work with the South Sudanese government to assess resource management and other environmental concerns, achieving a lasting peace that leads to stability and increased financial revenue takes priority. With durable peace in hand, South Sudan can begin to build a meaningful regulatory framework needed for managing the environment. Yet such an outcome needs greater appreciation for the ecological system that inherently transcends current political borders.

Buffer Solution: A Transboundary Protected Area (TBPA) for Abyei?

After so much war, disputes over oil resources and grazing rights in the Abyei region hinder a sustained peace.  North Sudan has pipelines and oil refineries, and South Sudan has most of the oil.  This situation translates into a somewhat symmetrical dilemma with each side holding a crucial piece of the oil puzzle, and both sides suffer when oil is not flowing. The March 2013 agreement is a good start toward creation of other security arrangements. One possible arrangement is the creation of a transboundary protected area in parts, or all of Abyei.

According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN)  a TBPA is “an area of land and/or sea that straddles one or more boundaries between states . . . beyond the limits of national sovereignty or jurisdiction, whose constituent parts are especially dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources, and managed co-operatively through legal or other effective means (IUCN, 2001).”

The latest agreement could be the catalyst for diplomats from both countries to formally delineate a jointly governed trans-boundary protected area in Abyei. This TBPA could also serve as a conservation and development area in which oil production and cattle grazing occur, albeit in an environmentally monitored way. Details of TBPA status would have to be worked out among both countries as well as local residents. Joint management offers a new approach to contentious border land that happens to be strategically located in an oil producing area.   While this plan would not affect South Sudan’s domestic solid waste problem, deforestation or charcoal (i.e. carbon) pollution, it would nevertheless help resolve a border conflict which saps energy and money away from pressing development issues on both sides of the border.

The Middle East is a region where environmental, developmental, and political struggles intersect, nowhere more vividly than in the West Bank. Palestinians face an array of daunting environmental challenges as inequality grows between them and Israelis, and no resolution to the conflict appears likely in the short-term with growth of Israeli settlements in regions occupied by Israel after 1967.

The environmental situation in the West Bank — especially with regard to water supply and water quality — is precarious, and threatens to become more acute as population growth and climate change exacerbate the formidable water challenges that arise from the area’s natural aridity, its patchwork water infrastructure, its hamstrung economy, and from Israel’s control over West Bank water sources and supplies. The protracted Israeli/Palestinian conflict frames even the most mundane issues of water allocation and infrastructure creation.

The West Bank hardly seems at present like a place that would offer opportunities for smaller private funders to engage directly with water or environmental issues, or to build a network of local NGO partners.

Yet the successes experienced over the past few years by the Osprey Foundation, located in Baltimore, MD, suggest that it is possible to identify and form partnerships with highly capable NGO partners in the region. Indeed, the individuals who are working in the water and environment arena there possess deep technical expertise and have established an excellent track record for successful project completion.  Moreover, many of those who are working to confront the region’s water and environment challenges exhibit a laudable propensity for cooperation, partnership, and coordinated effort across political boundaries.

Osprey Foundation partner, The Arava Institute's staff member Tareq Abu Hamed (r.) discusses a solar desalination prototype during a workshop in Israel's Negev desert. Photograph from Arava Institute (used with permission)

Osprey began its efforts to fund water and environment projects in the West Bank in 2009, using the internet, published sources, and personal contacts to identify potential project partners that could further the foundation’s mission goal to promote social justice by improving access to water and sanitation.  It was not difficult to discover an array of NGO’s, both Palestinian and Israeli, that were pursuing this goal either locally on behalf of Palestinians or regionally on behalf of both Arabs and Jews who share the immediate environment and its resources.

The currently fragmented nature of political authority and environmental activity in the West Bank makes it very difficult to execute large-scale, nationally coordinated projects. Ironically, this means that there exist opportunities for donors of relatively modest size to engage in partnerships that can make a real difference to people on the ground. Osprey has been able to fund four or five such projects annually, with visible and highly satisfactory results.

Among the array of project partners that Osprey has supported are two Palestinian NGOs–the Palestinian Hydrology Group, and the Palestinian Wastewater Engineers’ Group–as well as the Arava Institute for Environmental Study (located in the Israeli Negev), and Friends of the Earth Middle East, whose tri-partite governing structure links offices and co-directors in Tel Aviv, Ramallah, and Amman.

Osprey-funded projects are taking on real environmental challenges and making a difference for people on the ground, even as they pilot new forms of appropriate technology.  The Palestinian Hydrology Group has undertaken well rehabilitation, water service improvements, and the installation of household grey water recycling units (which reclaim wastewater for use in garden and greenhouse irrigation) with Osprey funding.  The Palestinian Wastewater Engineers Group has been working with comprehensive household wastewater solutions that address both grey water recycling and improved handling of the black water septic waste stream. PWEG’s cooperative work with colleagues from the Arava Institute will shortly expand to include experiments with the use of solar power to operate household grey water units. Arava is working on new, lower cost technology options for household grey water installations, as well as small-scale solar desalination devices for groundwater in Gaza.

The modest size of Osprey’s individual project grants has not prevented the foundation from engaging with broader policy issues in the region. Through its partnership with Friends of the Earth Middle East, Osprey is contributing to discrete components of FoEME’s ongoing effort to reverse the devastation that decades of neglect have brought to the Lower Jordan River ecosystem.

Osprey’s contributions to water, sanitation, and ecosystem remediation are only a drop in the proverbial bucket of the funding needed to address the region’s formidable and complex environmental challenges. Yet smaller private funders like Osprey have a great deal of freedom to seek out and assist in the development of promising new solutions and technologies, potentially laying the groundwork for larger funders and government to scale up the most promising among them.

The real successes that Osprey has seen in the West Bank over the last three years are testimony to the capacity for individual philanthropic agencies to identify outstanding partner NGOs, attack real problems, and support environmental cooperation in a region where the challenges are many and the political climate is, to put it mildly, discouraging. Positive opportunities await other environmentally-oriented private US donors of modest size, who could be making a difference in the West Bank and the surrounding region right now.

Armenia’s Resource Routes from Saleem H Ali on Vimeo.

Among the various states that emerged from the demise of the Soviet Union, Armenia had the most well-established diaspora. Owing to a history of marginalization and oppression from various neighboring  powers, particularly in the earlier part of the twentieth century, Armenians fled their ethnic homeland in alarming numbers. The mass-killings of more than a million Armenians between 1915 to 1923 by Turks is recognized by notable scholarly organizations and twenty countries as ‘genocide,’ and led to rapid migration during this period. Out of an estimated 11 million ethnic  Armenians worldwide, only 3.7 million actually reside in Armenia (about one-third of whom reside within the capital Yerevan), while the rest are distributed primarily across Russia, the United States,  France, Argentina, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Canada, Ukraine, Greece, and Australia. The influence of the diaspora in terms of demographic and economic clout is considerably higher than for most post-Soviet countries. Like nearby Lebanon, the diaspora has contributed enormously to investment in the country and to infrastructure development. Unlike, Lebanon, however, Armenia benefits from a much more homogenous religious profile and far less internal strife.

The diaspora’s strength has recently been displayed in challenging the government’s economic investment decisions, particularly in the context of extractive industries. During his recent visit to the United States, Armenian prime minister, Tigran Sargsyan, was greeted with protests from numerous Armenian-Americans concerned about a copper-molybdenum mining project in the northern region near the town of Teghut. Striking a conciliatory tone, Prime Minister Sargasyan invited the Teghut protesters in the diaspora to come back to Armenia and he would listen to their concerns “with great love.” The activists dismissed this gesture as “unserious” given the track record of the Armenian government in giving lenient contracting terms to various companies, including Vallex corporation, a Liechtenstein-registered company which is developing the Teghut project.

Given this trust deficit between the government and the environmental activists in the diaspora as well as in the capital city of Yerevan, the American University of Armenia organized a conference on November 30, 2012 to discuss the role of mining in development, supported in part by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) via Counterpart International.  I was invited as a keynote speaker to provide comparative examples from around the world that could inform this debate. In addition to the Teghut project, Armenia is seeing a considerable rise in mining activity across the country with a wide range of minerals. The sector is a dominant source of export revenues and the government sees this as potentially a leading sector in developing some of the rural parts of the country.  However, Teghut remains the most contentious of these projects leading environmentalists to make a wide range of appeals to United Nations bodies, domestic litigation strategies, and invoking trans-boundary pollution linkages of riparian pollution flows to neighboring Georgia.  This is partly due to the forest ecosystem where the mine is planned and the high level of biodiversity in this region.

Environmentalists argue that there are alternative development paths for Teghut such as tourism or harvesting honey. Yet as the activists accompanying me on a field visit admitted themselves, local community interviews in Teghut reveal that a majority of the population supports the mine. In the nearby town of Alaverdi, where the ore would be smelted, there is a history of mining and mineral processing ,dating back to the eighteenth century. The persistent image of the pseudo-volcanic plume emanating from the Alaverdi smelter, perched atop a steep rocky mountain captures the looming anxiety that many urban Armenians feel about mining.   Public health studies of this region have shown high levels of heavy metals in the soil and some signs of health impacts as well on the local population.  However, many in Teghut, consider these outcomes  to be a calculated risk, while the activists from Yerevan and the diaspora feel the local community is being exploited. The capital is bustling with young diaspora returnees who are sincerely trying to invest in their ethnic homeland. A hallmark of such investment is the multi-million dollar Tumo Center for Creative Technologies, funded by Armenian-American philanthropist Sam Simonian. Yet the rural hinterland is far-removed from such development paths and the diaspora struggles to connect with distant parts of the country.

Driving through the countryside en route to Teghut, one can see the stark difference between relative urban affluence and the continuing levels of poverty that still make Armenia eligible for multilateral development assistance from the World Bank and the UNDP. Environmentalists argue that it is incumbent upon such multilateral donors to ensure that support for the government’s development plans be linked to appropriate regulatory structures that allow for environmental monitoring and liability for mining investment.  Their analysis of the current legislation reveals several stark inadequacies pertaining to liability for tailings dams and the implementation of the environmental impact assessment process, particularly in a seismically active region such as Armenia.

The concerns and distrust stem from a legacy of mining with impunity during past booms. There are also concerns about the flow of revenues and incipient corruption. International programs such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) are still considered with suspicion by many of the Yerevan activists. The fact that Armenia’s neighbouring adversary Azerbaijan  (with whom the country is still at war over the territory of Nagorno-Karabach) was the first country to be officially validated under the EITI system, also seems to resonate a degree of incredulity about such mechanisms. However, it is partly because of the ongoing hostilities with Azerbaijan and Turkey which make mining more attractive as a development path. Tourism and other service sectors are often vulnerable in states with tense geopolitical trajectories. Armenia is also a landlocked country and thus relies a lot on its two other neighbours Iran and Georgia for trade access. The country continues to maintain strong ties with Iran but is also inextricably linked to the United States because of the large diaspora there. Armenia ‘s development trajectory and the consequential  role it can play as a bridge-builder in major geopolitical struggles between Iran and the United States deserves greater attention.

Resource extraction and foreign investment that is carefully managed on environmental and social terms has the potential to enhance the country’s economy and regional standing rather than lead to internal strife and social unrest. The involvement of academic institutions in providing a science-based approach to such decisions is heartening.  At the conclusion of the conference and through media engagement, I sensed greater willingness to consider an issue-based path to negotiating terms with mining projects, rather than uncompromising opposition. As the race for scarce mineral resources accelerates worldwide, the small but strategically significant nation of Armenia may provide us with important lessons on constructive confrontation between environmental conservation and pragmatic economic development.

I would like to acknowledge the support offered by American University of Armenia, particularly Alen Amirkhanian the director of the  AUA Acopian Center for the Environment for observational research leading to this article. Sara Anjargolian, of the Tumo Center for Creative Technologies also provided three images for the slide montage

“Rare Earths” are a group of 17 elements that are currently used in a wide array of modern technologies, ranging from hard disk drives to lamp phosphors to hybrid car batteries. At present 90% of these minerals are mined in China due to a range of economic and environmental factors. In 2012, an old rare earth mine in California reopened and the next major rare earth mine is on track for going into full production in 2013 at Mount Weld, Western Australia (owned and operated by Lynas Corporation). The ore from the Mount Weld mine will be milled and processed in Malaysia and this remote processing operation has caused considerable environmental conflict in Pahang state.

This article is authored by Bernadetta Devi, my colleague from the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining who visited the Lynas Corporation Ltd processing and refinery plant in Malaysia in October, 2012 to develop an independent perspective on the current status of the rare earths industry within Malaysia and to identify opportunities for research that could mitigate environmental conflicts on this issue, given its importance for providing important materials for green technologies worldwide. The article provides independent analysis and was not solicited by any particular stakeholder in this case.

A 'rare earth' processing plant near Guangzhou, China: Majority of the world's rare earths are still mined and processed in China. Photograph by Saleem H. Ali

Context

The rare earth industry within Malaysia has been the focus of intense political scrutiny, social activism and media interest during the past 2 years, in light of the Malaysian Government approval of the construction and operation of a $1 billion rare earths processing and refinery plant at Kuantan in Pahang State.  This facility is owned by Australian corporation Lynas and  commonly referred to as the “Lynas Advanced Materials Plant” (LAMP).

In August 2012 the first phase of the LAMP was completed to accommodate 30,000 tonnes of raw materials that are shipped from the Lynas Corporation Mount Weld mine site in Western Australia.  It is envisaged that the processing of the raw materials will see Lynas produce rare earth oxides at 11,000 tonnes per annum.    The second phase of the LAMP project is still being constructed and when finished, the production of Lynas rare earth oxides will be doubled.  The company has commenced its first production following the November 2012 decision by the Kuantan High Court to allow processing to proceed (which continues to be under appeal but likely to move forward).

Current Debate

At present, there is a clear polarization of the debate surrounding the Lynas LAMP plant and its activities.  For example, the Lynas proponents consistently point to the significant contribution the LAMP will provide to the Malaysian economy.  Those against the LAMP argue there will be considerable negative implications to the environment and society in Pahang State arising from the operation of the LAMP and this will in turn have a negative effect on the Malaysian economy.  Most notably, The Academy of Sciences Malaysia and the National Professors’ Council recently produced the report ‘Rare Earth Industries: Moving Malaysia’s Green Economy Forward’ based on the inaugural rare earths symposium held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in 2012.  This report identified two important drivers for the rare earths industry in Malaysia:

1)      The rare earths industry can contribute to, and support the development of, a green economy both domestically and globally.

2)      As a nation, Malaysia will significantly benefit from the contribution of rare earths to the global market.  This is an important point to consider as the global supply of Rare Earth Elements (REEs) is dominated by China (approximately 97 per cent of global production).

With the advanced technologies and perceived benefits, the rare earth industry is seen as a promising new growth area under Malaysia’s New Economic Model of the 10^th Malaysia Plan aiming to transform the country to a developed nation by 2020. Lynas, (a company that is listed on the Australian Stock Exchange) is a key contributor to the undertaking of the 10^th Malaysia Plan as the Plan seeks to derive its objectives from predominantly private sector investment.

The government policy on Lynas however has received strong criticism from a number of stakeholders including opposing political parties.  The most identifiable movement against the LAMP is that of the Stop Lynas Save Malaysia (SLSM). This NGO has received widespread media attention and political coverage in their rejection of the LAMP which they state is essentially flawed and dangerous due to:

-          A poor project approval process that did not adequately engage with Malaysian civil society and the communities in the vicinity of the LAMP.

-          Government approval for the LAMP which was not based on any evidence based studies

-          The potential for future high-risk uncertainties, namely health, safety and environmental concerns from the operation of the LAMP

-          The Government providing a 12 year tax holiday for Lynas and this will reduce the flow-on economic benefits to the Malaysian people.

Essentially, for the past two years the opposing parties have continuously questioned the decision to allow Lynas to construct and operate the LAMP facility in Malaysia.  Lynas, however, have been open in its responses to this question, with its Chairman recently stating (during the Lynas Corporation 2012 Annual General Meeting) that Lynas  undertook a ‘thorough due diligence process’ to choose a 100 hectare, dedicated petrochemical industrial park in the Malaysia’s East Coast Economic Corridor that considered factors such as:

-          Adequate physical infrastructure that support the chemical industries

-          A readily available workforce that is specialised in chemical refining

-          Close  proximity to key rare earths markets

-          Regulations that support a value-adding industry

Continuous monitoring data at LAMP facility in Malaysia to address concerns about pollution. Photograph by Bernadetta Devi

By locating LAMP in the Malaysian East Coast Economic Corridor, Lynas considers the LAMP will create a cluster of secondary positive economic impacts through high technology industries which align with the Malaysian government’s vision in its economic policy.  Furthermore, Lynas and the Malaysian academia believe that with its advanced technologies, LAMP activities will have very small concentration of radioactivity in the residues of rare earths processing and refinery.  Importantly, Lynas continues to develop its technology to promote sustainable development within the rare earth industry including innovation in recycling residues from the LAMP activities.

The exhaustive list of conflicting arguments from both parties could be seen as valid based on values, beliefs and needs that are followed by each party.     However, the inability between both parties to fully appreciate the needs and concerns of the parties differing viewpoints is effectively protracting the debate and conflict.  It is therefore necessary that workable strategies are developed from both sides of the debate to bring to the table to create a sustainable long-term solution to this issue.

Opportunities from Conflicts

A brief analysis of the Lynas case based on feedback received during the field visit showed that there have been some changes within Malaysia in relation to heavy industries.  Those changes potentially can assist the improvement of rare earths industry as well as heavy industry in general.

1)      Evidence based policy making – Lynas has been scrutinised by many different ‘independent’ bodies. Despite debate on the objectivity and dependency of the chosen bodies that scrutinised Lynas, the involvement of these bodies could be seen as a process to improve the evidence-based policy making in Malaysia.  Although Lynas’s scrutiny process did not occur until the LAMP was almost fully constructed, it is hoped, that evidence-based policy could always be utilised to assist the Malaysian Government create their policies specifically for Lynas or other similar heavy industry enterprises.  Essentially, an evidence-based dialogue always promotes enriches decision making process in so long as there is accountability and transparency throughout this process. Ongoing oversight authority from academic bodies who will monitor the progress of the plan will be important in building and maintaining trust.

2)      ‘Better’ environmental measures and mitigations for heavy industries – Feedback received stated that Lynas has adhered to more stringent environmental requirements in comparison to other companies.  Lynas has implemented advanced environmental measures to monitor and mitigate their environmental impacts for example, the digital air monitoring which is an extra requirement that is specific to Lynas  and the latest technology to capture the emitted gases.  It is worth considering that this requirement imposed on Lynas has not been imposed to other heavy industries that co-share with Lynas due to aggregate cumulative impacts in the Gebeng Industrial Park.  To answer the pessimistic argument on the capacity of Malaysian Government in enforcing its environmental regulation, it is important to have an independent monitoring of the aggregate environmental impacts in Gebeng.

3)      Better multi-stakeholders engagement and consultation – The legacy of Lynas not undertaking a Detailed Environmental Impact Assessment (DEIA) has severely affected the social performance of  Lynas.  This, however, has assisted the Malaysian Government to review its EIA process and legislation requirement e.g. to include automatically any radio-active potential waste from heavy industry to conduct DEIA.  The significance of DEIA is on the public consultation aspects. However, this public engagement in many cases is not sufficient to promote the company’s “social license to operate.”  It is important for companies to continuously and voluntarily promote community and multi-stakeholders engagement in their activities.  As the middle class with better education in Malaysia society increases, they are demanding for a more transparent and open decision-making process, particularly for matters that could affect the environment where they live.  During this visit, it was revealed that the demand for public involvement in the decision making should be undertaken earlier in the investment planning process by the Malaysian government.

4)      Information sharing between technocratic and social-humanities disciplines – it is apparent that there is a need to have an integrated research in the rare earths field that considers the technology / technical aspects of rare earths and social / humanities implications.  Social studies may aid technocrats to ensure meaningful findings that suit the needs of the local community and vice versa. As the rare earth industry continuous to grow, this has also attracted international research institutes to develop a research focus on this field.  For this, the Malaysia research institutes and interested NGOs will be of strategic importance to collaborate in such initiatives.

Conclusion

Lynas has a vision of being “the global leader in Rare Earths for a sustainable future.” There is potential for regional economic development to occur in Malaysia alongside this vision. However, risk communication and conflict resolution strategies will need to be more proactively managed by the firm. At the same time, activists will need to be more pragmatic in their goals and consider the costs and benefits from a more science-based (or evidence-based) approach rather than through confrontational litigation strategies that are likely to fail.  Risk perception of radiation exposure can be managed through a vigorous monitoring program that has already been put in place by The Atomic Energy Licensing Board.  The trust-deficit between the company and the community can be bridged through a more deliberative public-private partnership around community engagement at regular intervals.

The demand for rare earths is likely to grow dramatically in coming years and Malaysia can play an important role in leading the way in showcasing how a modern processing facility can be effectively managed to minimize risk. Constructive engagement between civil society and industry needs to be facilitated by the government. New metrics to evaluate cumulative impacts and a willingness for industry to adapt accordingly through the life-cycle of the plant is likely to further the goals of making this project more acceptable. Much has been achieved by Malaysia in its development path and as with any industry from palm oil plantations to oil extraction to mineral process, there are trade-offs. Diversification of the economy through a variety of strategies to meet the demands of the local population as well as providing essential products for modern societies must remain a long-term objective as this project and others in the sector move forward.

Postscript and acknowledgements: The University of Queensland is in the process of establishing a rare earths research consortium involving universities, mining companies, recyclers, downstream manufacturers, governments, international agencies and civil society groups. Our goal will be to provide a forum for consolidating research that helps to improve the performance of this sector on ecological and social terms. We would like to acknowledge the logistical assistance (non-financial) accorded for the field visit by Lynas Corporation: Mike Vaisey – Vice President Research and Technology and Muthuchamy Suruli Bommu (Sustainable Project Research and Technology Leader); The University of Malaysia Pahang: Prof Dr. Badhrulhisham bin Abdul Aziz, p. Eng, M.I.E.M (Deputy vice chancellor for academic and international relation, University Malaysia Pahang) ; and The Academy of Sciences of Malaysia Dr Ahmad Ibrahim (Chief Executive Officer); Datuk Ir Dr Hj Ahmad Zaidee Laidin FASc (Council Member)  and Mr Loganathan Ponnambalam F.I.G.M – (Project Coordinator).

I would like to thank Peggy Liu, Christine Chen and Phoebus Xu of the Joint US-China Collaboration on Clean Energy (JUCCCE) for facilitating my visit to Tianjin Eco-city in September, 2012. Special thanks to the administration of the Eco-city for the tour and presentation provided during the visit.

As the new Chinese leadership takes hold, environmental issues will undoubtedly be more prominent in decision-making in the coming decade than they were in the past decade. In his inaugural speech after taking charge as the head of China’s political and military leadership Xi Jinping noted: “Our people love life and yearn for better education, stable jobs, more satisfactory income, greater social security, improved medical and health care and more comfortable living conditions and a more beautiful environment.”

The clear mention of ecological goals within Mr.  Jingpin’s  speech is an important indicator of the increasing priority environmental issues are getting in China. As a planned economy, the Chinese have always excelled at grand infrastructure projects and they have brought that to bear on ecological goals as well. Earlier this year, I had an opportunity to visit the world’s largest “eco-city” which is being built near the economically vibrant metropolis of Tianjin, a couple of hours drive south of Beijing (Tianjin is also served by the new high-speed rail service that tops speeds of  350 km/h).

Model of the Eco-city in the main office building. Most of the major infrastructure is complete. Photo by Saleem H. Ali

The scale and scope of the city is impressive by any measure and could well be a project that can be scaled-up. Unlike boutique eco-city projects with highly innovative but as yet non-scalable design features such as UAE’s Masdar city initiative, the Tianjin eco-city  project is meant to be pragmatic and has a broader goal of national development. The Chinese government chose the site for the eco-city based on two key factors: a) it development should occur on non-arable land; b) developed near an area facing water shortage. Thus the goal of the eco-city project is to find ways of using resource-scarce environments more productively rather than optimising particular ecological criteria by choice of location.

What is particularly remarkable about this effort is also that it is partnership between two countries – China and Singapore. The historic connections between the two countries are self-evident with a majority of Singaporeans hailing from China. However, with two very different political systems and approaches to development, this collaboration brings forward the importance of a globalized approach to ecological planning.

Finding ways of reducing cost while staying within some parameters of green design has been challenging for architects working on the project. To attract a broad portfolio of professions there have been some compromises made in terms of materials being used for construction. Nevertheless, the overall goal of scaling up ecological design and mitigating impacts on arable productive lands and finding nonconventional sources of water (recycled or through renewable energy-powered desalination) is admirable.

By 2020 the aim of the Tianjin project is to have 350,000 inhabitants. This will still be far less than most megacities in the world such as Sao Paulo or Mumbai, which will by then be as much as 100 times this size.  Continuing pollution in neighboring areas may also hamper the efficacy of the Eco-city. Yet, the lessons of Tianjin eco-city can certainly be used for a plethora of new urban development projects which will be inevitable alongside current demographic trends – particularly in Asia. The Chinese leadership, coupled with civil society organizations that are slowly gaining strength in the country, have an important role to play in leading Asia towards greener urbanism. Tianjin’s eco-city should be considered a prototype that eventually mainstreams environmental criteria in planning across the region.

The geographic extremities of any continent tend to have strategic value and it is thus no surprise that the so-called “Horn of Africa” was contested and divided between the colonial powers. Italy, the United Kingdom and France vied for control here. While the highlands of Abyssinia  remained a formidable challenge for colonizers (the Italians captured Addis Ababa only for a brief period from 1890 to 1896), the coastal regions got divided up between the colonial powers. Although the French had much of their clout on the Western end of the continent, they wanted an outpost on the Red Sea, given its strategic value in connecting Africa to Asia, leading to the establishment of a small colony of “French Somaliland.”

A street scene near the central mosque in the capital of Djibouti: Missed potential for developing a Muslim country in the Horn of Africa. Photo by Saleem H. Ali

This small colony is now the sovereign state of Djibouti, which gained independence in 1977 but retains strong ties to France. With a population of less than a million and hot dry climate with few mineral resources, the country has been off the beaten track of most travellers. However, during the last decade, due to the continuing instability in neighbouring Somalia as well as the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia, Djibouti has gained prominence. It is now the only source of maritime access for landlocked Ethiopia with its population and development needs of over 85 million people. It is also now also the residence for over 20,000 Somali refugees who have escaped through the “green zone” of Somaliland from the conflict in the south of fractured Somalia.

A nominal democracy, the country has been relatively peaceful yet still desperately poor. I had an opportunity to visit Djibouti recently after a visit to Ethiopia for the United Nations African Development Forum. My curiosity to visit this country was sparked by an article I had read in The Washington Post regarding the expansion of US military presence in the region. Landing at Djibouti International airport, one is alarmed to find one side of the air strip almost completely populated by US Airforce presence. The country is also among the few places in the world where drone aircraft can be seen on a civilian air strip, often overwhelming civilian traffic. The presence of these prized new airforce stealth weapons in Djibouti comes from its proximity to the Arabian state of Yemen which has become an increasingly significant hotbed for Al-Qaeda.

Talking to locals, there was little resentment towards American presence but also not much to show for their positive impact on the country. Occasionally one would hear stories of US soldiers volunteering for community service or building some unusual desert residence for local villagers, but the overall development impact of US presence here of over 3000 personnel has been minimal. Unemployment is still over 40% and much of the money that comes in from foreign investment is funnelled back to the foreign-owned businesses in the city. The US government pays only $38 million per year to lease the airfield for the drone operations and the African command base here which is under further expansion.

The lack of US investment in Djibouti is a tremendous missed opportunity to develop a country which could be a low-hanging fruit for citizen diplomacy with the Muslim world. With only 900,000 people and a relatively small land-base and a highly urbanized population, developing Djibouti with aid investment would be very easy to do. Imagine the positive impact of showcasing how US military presence was a force for positive investment in a Muslim country (the population is 95% Muslim), and genuinely changed the human development indicators of the country. Yet the USAID program in Djibouti is paltry and embarrassing, given the strategic value of the country to the US as a military base.

Aerial view of Lake Abbe, on the border of Ethiopia and Djibouti. Photo by Saleem H. Ali

The unrealized potential for various kinds of investment is also phenomenal. The climate is similar to the sunny Gulf states – hot and dry, but with far greater tourism potential. Djibouti has spectacular desert mountains, which rise up to 2000 meters and where the climate is cooler but accessible within a few hours drive from the capital city. There are two large spectacular lakes which could be a bastion for developing eco-tourism. Lake Assal is a massive crater lake surrounded by salt pans and spectacular mountain scenery. Lake Abbe, on the border with Ethiopia is next to a dormant volcano with its own unique set of geological features such as large limestone chimneys and is one of the key geographic features of the Afar depression which is a rare example of a tectonic triple junction where three geologic plates meet. In addition, Djibouti’s Obock region is the closest point across the terminus of the Red Sea and Arabia. Indeed, this unique location already attracted interest from Saudi investor Tarek Bin Laden (brother of infamous deceased Al-Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden) to build a “bridge of the horns” across the divide and develop a tourist resort and business development. However, instead of encouraging such development plans the United States has discouraged investment in such a project for ostensible security reasons.

It is high time the United States Departments of State and Defense pay attention to Djibouti’s development. It should be used as a prototype for positive US investment in the Muslim world and the chances of getting fast and palpable development progress here are far greater than in Afghanistan or Iraq. Providing incentives for American business to invest in Djibouti, coupled with massive development assistance to build infrastructure should be a top priority for the Obama administration’s next Africa policy. In his next trip to the continent, President Obama needs to visit Djibouti and see for himself what the US is missing in terms of development potential.

There are valid concerns about the existing corruption and lack of transparency in the country. However, this cannot be used as an excuse for inaction or reticence to further development assistance. International groups such as Friends of Djibouti can assist with more scrutiny of government action, similar to the efforts undertaken by offshore campaigns to improve the performance of government institutions in Burma/ Myanmar which have led to the current improvement of international relations and performance of the government. Clearly the United States now has far more leverage in Djibouti and should work with other international players to make a more concerted effort to improve social and political institutions in the country.  Such calls for reform should occur alongside targeted and deliberative development assistance that meets the aspirations of Djiboutians and also improves the potential for sustained economic investment.

Minor American development investment: A Coca Cola Sign at a decrepit commercial plaza on road to Lake Assal, Djibouti. Photo by Saleem H. Ali

As a starting point, the US should totally rebuild the civilian airport terminal in Djibouti with USAID funds since that is the most proximate connection to their own military base and is desperately in need of renovation. As the development of Dubai shows, airports can be essential catalysts in promoting international investment. The public diplomacy impact of this could also be enormous at a small fraction of the hundreds of millions of dollars being invested in the military base next to the airport. Port-oriented development and tourism could be the next areas to attract international investment. USAID should also invest in a massive environmental cleanup and education program. The urban waste management system in Djibouti is deplorable and the pollution from waste dumping in the capital’s streets is among the worst I have seen in this region. Educational investment in schools and a regional university (similar to the American University of Cairo) could be another important move to attract students from the region. All this development can be done much faster than in most African countries. The country’s connections to France as well as to the Arab league provide it with a multilingual demographic labor force that could easily spur development.

The colonial scramble for Africa produced many anomalous national identities that have often impeded development by creating trade barriers or accentuating underlying ethnic tensions and conflict. The old “conquer powers” that divided and synthesized current manifestations of national identities as well as the new “order powers” who aspire for free flow of resources and commerce have an obligation to develop Africa. The task is daunting and trust among Africans is fleeting without some clear marks of resounding success. Djibouti has the potential to be such a success story for development in a relatively short time-frame. Such a prototype for development, in which an impoverished Muslim majority country that literally lies at the gateway between Africa and Arabia, could be a game-change for transcendent international cooperation.

The tragic shooting of Malala Yousafzai has once again brought Pakistan in the news cycle as the country’s existential complexity remains elusive. The image of Malala draped in a demure head scarf, often expected in Islamic tradition, is reminiscent of another girl from this part of the world who remained nameless for many years but captivated the readers of National Geographic magazine. The image then was of a young Pashtun girl in an Afghan refugee camp in North-western Pakistan, less than 100 miles  from Malala’s home town.

Many of the troubles which we see now in Pakistan and Afghanistan can be traced to that period in history in the dying days of the Cold War. The extinguishing rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, catalyzed by incipient religious zealotry in regional leadership, still ended up igniting the “Afpak” Frontier with militarized religious fanaticism for decades to come. The girl in that image from the cover of National Geographic (June 1985 issue) remained nameless for more than 15 years until National Geographic mounted a Herculean effort to track her down when Afghanistan opened up to the world in 2001. Using computer imaging analysis of her eyes, photographer Steve McCurry was able to find Sharbat Gula– the girl in the image – who was in 2002 a mother of 3, living a traditional life with her husband in a remote Eastern Afghan village.

Sharbat Gula - An iconic Pashtun girl who remained nameless to the world for years. Photograph by Steve McCurry; Copyright usage cost paid by National Geographic Explorers program

Sharbat Gula had returned to her homeland in 1992 and endured the turbulence of the Afghan civil war, the turmoil of Taliban rule and the ongoing strife, following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. She remains a survivor and a testament to the feminine spirit that we often find as the most promising beacon at any frontier of human despair.

As a Pakistani, what is most haunting to me about comparing these two young Pashtun girls is how they also symbolize the polarization which we hear about now in Pakistan’s political landscape. In the wake of targeted drone strikes by the United States, which may lead to civilian casualties, and deliberate Taliban attacks on civilians, there is a propensity to compare the lives and circumstances of victims, and to extricate some twisted sense of moral equivalence. The nameless, speechless Pashtun girl in a distant village whose plight and name might never be known; versus a bright and equally resilient girl whose narratives have touched the world.

Both lives and their struggles are equally real and neither should be trivialized. Instead, attempts must continue for us to find a better future across all social strata. Those of us who are privileged and educated have a role to play in promoting the cause of those who are unable to do so themselves. Malala Yousafzai used her celebrity status wisely to stand up for those like Sharbat Gula who have little choice but to be subservient to tradition.

As Malala Yousafzai recovers in a hospital in Birmingham, England we are also reminded of how our common humanity transcends boundaries. Sharbat Gula and millions of Afghan refugees were also assisted by humanitarian organizations from all over the world and particularly the West. Injustices of the past should not be forgotten but they should not prevent us from realizing that despite a history of exploitation and indiscretion, the West is moving closer to the East at a human level. Stories such as those of Malala and Sharbat Gula are defying Rudyard Kipling’s cynicism during his time in this region when he said: “East is East and West is West and never the twain shall meet.” Indeed, the twain will meet over stories of human resilience and compassion that Kipling alluded to later in his Ballad of East and West:

“But there is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth,

When two strong men stand face to face, though they come from the ends of the earth!”

As the cadence of Kipling’s  final couplet reveals, the West was also not as attentive to gender sensitivity at the time, and neglecting the rights of women has been a common human failing. Although much of the West has improved dramatically in this domain, gender-based discrimination remains a grave concern in this region. To find a better future for the next generation of girls in South Asia will require us to show solidarity with any and all who exemplify resilience against the vulgar vagaries of violence. Afghans and Pakistanis will need to dispense with xenophobia and demonizing sincere attempts to assist with humanitarian intervention. However, we will need to remember not only the Malalas of the urban educated class of Pashtuns but also the Sharbat Gulas of remote and uneducated parts of the hinterland. Their struggles – physical and ideological – give us hope that this precious part of the world will recover from the dark days that befall it today.